Steve Harris
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Above Average Intelligence

7/10/2026

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The onslaught of AI development continues at a breathtaking pace. There’s no apparent limit in sight as to the capabilities of massive amounts of computing power are applied to an increasing range of heretofore human activities. There are significant (not to say dire) implications for education, labor markets and social structures, the power grid, financial markets, and other fields, as I have noted in previous entries in this occasional series. 

In a piece I called “Grand Turing Test” (122322), I hypothesized the emerging “arms-race” between generative AI capabilities and our ability to determine whether such output was human or machine-generated. It is a particular problem for educators in the grading process and one I’m glad I’ve escaped at this point. The point of a Turing Test is to see if a human can distinguish a machine response to a particular prompt from a human response in order to determine whether the machine is “intelligent.” It was a breakthrough in conceptualizing computing power back in the now seemingly prehistoric days of 1950, and it’s still useful today. 

AI capabilities seem to match and exceed human capabilities in an increasing number of applications; so the implications of the Turing Test are less about whether the machine is “intelligent” and more about what are the distinctive aspects of human intelligence. This seems, as I say, to be a shrinking field. It is shrinking for two reasons. First, the application of brute processing power, especially when that power is “intelligently” directed, outclasses what humans can do on their own (even with the augmentation of pencil-and-paper, calculator, Excel spreadsheet, Google search, etc.) in anywhere near the same time. 

Twenty-five years ago, if I had wanted to come up with a good estimate of the planetary GDP in the years 1,000bc, 0, 1,000ad, 1500, 1800, 1900, and 2000 (which I did for a recent lecture series), I could have spent a day or so in the library and come up with some plausible estimates. Ten years ago, I could have done a Google search and found sources and produced something better in a couple of hours. Now, I pop a prompt into Gemini/Claude/Chat etc. and get a digested, footnoted analysis with graphs in a matter of a few seconds. The AI may not be smarter than me, but it’s a hell of a lot faster. Ditto for writing papers/memos, or generating music, videos, pictures, etc. So far, so good (leaving aside serious concerns about plagiarism, hallucinations, skewing, etc.).

The second reason, is that this processing power challenges us to reconsider what is left in our definition of human “intelligence” beyond the “normal” degree of brainpower? Is there something distinctive about creativity (whether artistic or drafting a clever merger agreement) that is irreproducible by machine or is it all just a matter of NVIDIA chips crunching away? Naturally, we humans cling to a conception of intelligence that is unique. For a long time, we’ve disparaged the capabilities of whales, chimps, dolphins, etc. as part of our effort to preserve our self-centered view of the universe. Copernicus, Galileo, Darwin and others have shown us how distorted our traditional conceptions have been. Now, Claude and friends have further narrowed the space of the uniquely human. As with these earlier examples, despite the epistemological resistance and blind demands to stop this threatening technology in its tracks, I suspect we will find that there is very little left to our once god-like self-image. 

These new capabilities are starting to upset our well-established modern conception of what it is that people do and why they should be compensated for their activities (i.e. “work”). The last quarter-millennium (or semiquincentennial!) of industrialization dramatically reduced that percentage of human compensation that was earned by physical labor as compared with intellectual effort (artistic effort has always been a tiny fraction). I asked Google’s Gemini for an estimate of this ratio; it came back with physical labor constituting 85-90% in 1750, 75-80% in 1850, 45-50% in 1950, and 23-30% today (with commensurate growth on the “intellectual labor” side). This is one way to look at the “industrial revolution” and we know the tremendous societal disruption that has accompanied this shift.  Our entire modern global economic system and the great strides that have been made in standards of living over this period have been built on this transition. Capitalism provided one mode of distributing these gains across the population; but even beyond its other challenges (e.g., environmental concerns, inequality) what’s coming portends a profound crisis.

Going forward, and over a likely much shorter period, we will see a drop in the intellectual labor numbers. Whether this produces an upsurge in unemployment (beyond the serious short-term transitional impacts) or a redeployment to new modes of work remains to be seen. In either case, it bodes poorly for those whose intellectual capabilities (whether innate or educated) are at or below average. Everyone—including the majority of people who think they are “above average” in intelligence [sic]—will have to freshly consider what they do and why they do it. Traditional models of job types and career paths aren’t going to work. What mix of intellectual, physical, and creative work (just to use a simple break-out) will provide the best mix of personal fulfillment and economic support? The answers of 2010 are clearly going to be inadequate for 2030 and anyone who tells you that they have much of a handle on how things will look in 2040 is just lying to you.

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Semiquincentennial

7/3/2026

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I mean, really…? Centennial is a word most folks can figure out and bicentennial is pretty close, but Semiquincentennial combines obscurity, unpronouncability, and a fetish for mathematical semantics which, despite my proclivity for obscure and multisyllabic words, makes it wholly inappropriate for a celebration of a landmark of popular democracy.  

Not that this is the most inapt aspect of the upcoming commemoration. We have a set of elected leaders characterized by cravenness, corruption, and an abandonment of political sense. Not that the Founding Fathers were demigods, but the current crop is pretty pathetic. So, the nomenclature is really a secondary issue.

I saw a recent poll from the UK in which voters were asked who was to blame for their current dysfunctional political culture. Across the spectrum, just over half blamed elected officials, twenty percent blamed “the system,” and just over ten percent blamed the voters. I suspect we would have similar result here. It’s no surprise that the electorate is unwilling to look in the mirror. As the French writer of the 19C, Joseph Lemaistre said: “every country gets the government it deserves.” 

So, we mark this anniversary in a pretty sorry state. Things have a sour taste. It’s a far cry from the Bicentennial in which, despite the shadows of the then-recent loss of the Vietnam War and the Watergate scandal, there was a fair degree more optimism and pride in our country. I will have more to say about the arc of America in a broad historical context later in the year as I prepare a talk on “the Rise and Fall of America,” and regular readers of this space are familiar with my take on our current predicament, so today I just want to focus on the Declaration.

The debate on independency in the Continental Congress was coming to a head in May and June of 1776. Hotheads like John Adams faced principled and serious opposition, but the momentum of recent conflicts with the British (legal and military) pushed the process forward and Jefferson took up his pen in mid-June. The draft was revised and tweaked in Committee and the full Congress starting late in the month. The final decision was made on July 2 and the document was approved on July 4.

It's actually quite an audacious piece of work. Manifestos are necessarily rhetorical documents, they are not to be confused with philosophical treatises or pieces of legislation (although they borrow from both). We are told that it is “self-evident…that all men are created equal,” etc.; a proposition that would not have been understood, much less agreed to by more than a minute fraction of the 700 million people then in the world, much less the elites of Great Britain. Rather, I suspect that most elites and educated people in most countries in the world at the time would have thought this was nonsense. As a result, we have to read this language and the rest of the preamble as a motivational and aspirational text.

Indeed, I agree with Jack Balkin (and Abraham Lincoln) that the Declaration, or at least the Preamble, is the real Constitution of the United States, that is the document that constitutes our body politic, and the official “Constitution” is merely the charter of government intended to implement the aspirations of the Declaration.

So, since it’s worth recalling the specifics (and it’s probably been a while since you read it), here is the first half of the Preamble:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.—That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed….

It's a pretty challenging agenda. As a nation, of course, our progress has been uneven over the past 250 years and we have not yet achieved these aims. Their difficulty, however, does not undermine their validity and despite its current parlous state, democracy remains the only plausible route (i.e., no one has come up with a better model yet).

The second part of the Founders’ audacity was to assert that a republic—and a breakaway republic at that—should be recognized by the other countries of the world as a peer. In the late 18C, there were only a few countries that counted. These were mostly the European “Great Powers”: Britain, France, Spain, Prussia, and Austria, a few also-rans: the Russians and the Turks, and the only European country of any significance that wasn’t a monarchy: the Dutch Republic. 

Assertions are one thing, even if written in grand prose; people in power rarely give it up without a fight. In essence, the War of Independence was fought to force Britain to recognize us. We eventually had the help of the French and the others followed in due course. So, the revolution was not just a reconceptualization of the nature of political society, founding it not on the divine right of kings or the inertia of dynasties, but on the individual (well, at least white male individuals); it was also about the nature of international relations.

The final point for this celebratory week is to reiterate an argument I have made previously about the nature of the US Constitution (whose own Semiquincentennial lies eleven years ahead). The Declaration is literally the foundation of the Constitution and it makes clear (also in the preamble) that the Constitution is merely a tool of the people, on which there are no legal limits. Here’s what Jefferson wrote: 

That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.


A Semiquincentennial seems like a good time to remember this and to carry the spirit of the Founders into the 21C.

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Modern Empires

6/26/2026

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Next month, I’m starting a six-part course on Modern Empires. The intro music for the kick-off is the 1980s pop classic by Tears for Fears: “Everybody Wants to Rule the World.” This sets up my theme that empires are all about power; specifically, the projection of power by one people or society over another. Empires have been happening for thousands of years; modern empires (i.e., since the 15C) have been characterized by the distinctive technological sources of their power, the noticeably increased differential in their power vis-à-vis the people they control, and a broad shift to non-coercive/soft power, particularly economic. Oh, yes, most modern empires have been European/Western in origin, especially after 1800.

Empires are typically characterized by the enrichment of the elites (aristocratic, military, religious, commercial) of the metropole (home base) of the empire at the expense of the ordinary folks in the periphery (all the areas under control). This might come through simpler plunder, formal tributary payments, seizing land and natural resources and people, up to more sophisticated modes such as setting the terms of trade so that peripheral commodities are priced much lower than processed manufactured products from the metropole or charging monopolistic prices for shipping.

Prior to the 19C, most empires operated through direct “plant-the-flag-and-claim-the-territory” control, or what historians call “formal” empire.” The expansion of the commercial sector in modern times has meant that even after most of the formal empires were dissolved in the mid 20C, societies still exercise their power over other societies thru “informal” means, including finance/foreign investments and shipping. The Brits were really good at this in their heyday. Since the 19C, the US has excelled, as evidenced by the fact that the top global brands remain predominantly American even now (e.g., Coke, Apple, Google, Boeing). Similarly for media and cultural content (music, movies), not to mention the most powerful cultural export of all: the English language. This phenomenon highlights that imperial power can work “softly” and, often, unconsciously.

One session of the series will be devoted to the United States as an empire. It’s a label we have, as a country, had a lot of difficulty with. After all, we got started by rejecting the imperial claims of the British and have seen ourselves as the beacon of freedom for all peoples since then. We leaned on the Europeans to wind up their empires in the 20C and forced the Soviet Empire to collapse late in the last century. This stance, however, belies what can only be called a rich and consistent imperial past. We can start with our land grab from Native Americans, which was one of our principal national preoccupations from our initial colonialization efforts into the 20C. Along the way, the Monroe Doctrine claimed a sphere of influence across the Western Hemisphere, then we had our burst of formal empire at the end of the 19C, grabbing Cuba, the Philippines, and assorted other islands from the fading Spanish empire, along with Hawaii. American power reached its global stretch in the 20C, including a wide range of economic and cultural activities, as noted above, managing a series of military alliances during the Cold War (we still have hundreds of military bases), and overseeing a set of multi-national institutions (e.g., the World Bank). We’ve invaded more countries since WWII than any other. All in all, it’s a pretty striking record.

Modern imperialists get a pretty bad rap from most historians. Yes, there were benefits in terms of health, education, and other aspects of “civilization.” But much of those “blessings” were in terms of the conquerors’ values (e.g., Christianity, capitalism), that might not have been shared by the indigenous cultures onto which they were grafted.  Moreover, they came as part of a package that included all manner of brutality and exploitation. Our (Western) claims to have helped these benighted peoples to make progress run into the famous quote from Gandhi who, when asked what he thought of Western Civilization, replied that “It would be a good thing” (at least hypothetically, compared to what the British and the others did to India, Africa, etc.).

On the other hand, the longer-term history of imperialism shows that modern European empires were not inherently any worse in moral terms than those of their predecessors. Millions were killed and stolen from by the Huns, various Chinese imperial configurations, Aztecs, Egyptians, Turks, Akkadians, and dozens of other earlier models. We tend to downplay their bad acts, losing them in the mists of ancient history. However, just because they were further away and accomplished with less technology doesn’t make them any better than Belgians of the 19/20C, the Spanish of the 17C, or the Brits at multiple times.

With the great wave of decolonization of the mid-20C, it seemed that the era of formal empires was coming to a close, especially after the fall of the Soviet empire 30-40 years ago. A variety of informal imperial projects (principally ours) have continued, but the idea of formal conquest and control seems to have lapsed. One of the interesting issues in our current geopolitical environment is whether the actions of Putin and Trump will revive the old model. HWSNBN has his “Don-Roe” Doctrine, justifying decapitating the leadership of Venezuela and Cuba, starting a war with Iran, and making a grab from Greenland. Putin seems to have a vision of reviving at least parts of the Russian empire, but has come up short in Ukraine.

Instead, the only country with the global power to re-establish imperial grandeur is China and they are doing a pretty good job at building an informal empire, at least in Asia, Africa, and South America. Whether their vision of conquest extends beyond Taiwan remains doubtful, however. Even a “successful” take-over of Taiwan would likely highlight the futile nature of imperial conquest, since it’s not clear how useful and productive that island would be in the aftermath of invasion. Modern military power is tremendously effective at destruction, but at a great cost which doesn’t clearly outweigh the projecting power’s potential benefit.

The idea of empire doesn’t seem to fit well into the 21C’s interdependent world where international relationships are far more complex than in past centuries and the idea of territorial control less relevant than the informal power of commerce and information. Ah, well, it’s been a grand run and thus a great topic for history.

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The Ethics of Tactics

6/19/2026

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The Ethics of Tactics

Were there racists among the leading women suffragettes of the 19C and early 20C? Were there some leaders of the 19C abolitionist movement and the black civil rights movement of the mid-20C who were misogynistic? Well, yes and yes. Would either movement have been as successful as they were without the contributions of those non-saints? Probably not. 

Politics is messy. Who are we to judge the folks that championed expanded rights for some marginalized/discriminated groups who simultaneously opposed such rights for other groups? I constantly caution against making ethical judgments about people’s behavior in the past, but the kinds of historical tensions that challenged their morality echo today and a similar wariness is called for.

At the same time, we can wonder, both historically and currently, whether as a tactical matter, a “big tent” approach to protecting/expanding rights would be more effective. Indeed, I recall thinking back in the 1970s that the women’s movement (and the civil rights movement) missed an opportunity by not joining forces.  Revitalizing and restating the Civil War Amendments to encompass not only race, but also sex and gender would have protected the Congressional statutory efforts and state enactments already then on the books and obviated the efforts to reverse them either in Congress or the Courts that have garnered recent attention. But, I suspect the leaders of each movement couldn’t reconceptualize their projects or risk opening their power structures to “outsiders.”

Instead, the Equal Rights Amendment to the Constitution was passed by Congress, in both cases by 10-1 ratios (and endorsed by Pres. Nixon!) in 1972, 30 states quickly ratified, but the effort petered out in the late 1970s. The result was that the protection of women’s rights was left to the Supreme Court; an avenue that, as we have seen in recent years, was all to subject to summary reversal. Similarly, we have seen key aspects of the Civil Rights legislative program of the 1960s and 1970s effectively neutered by the Court.

But this posting is not about the wisdom or propriety of these recent Supreme Court decisions. Nor is it about the implications of the overly difficult constitutional amendment process. Rather, my point is a political one. This is reflected in the old adages: “Politics is the art of the possible,” and “half a loaf is better than none.”  It can be difficult to risk diluting the focused effort to make progress towards any policy goal by including a broader agenda; and sometimes tactical considerations push moral values to the side. but that is the task of enlightened leadership—whether by advocates or elected officials.

This is not just a matter of historical reassessment. We might (we might need to!) look forward to an era in which such policies are once again feasible, if not in the framework of constitutional change, at least in statutory terms. It might, however, be a greater stretch to imagine a more mature politics among those with progressive views that could make advance the cause of civil rights (in both racial and sex and gender terms) without pushing the envelope; thereby increasing the possibility of actual progress. 

The same questions arise in the context of a host of other policy fronts: climate, health care, infrastructure, AI, housing, and Social Security, to name a few. Political parties are about coalition-building. The Dems are famously a “big-tent” party. That particular tent is looking pretty creaky these days, so part of the path to power will mean constructing a new tent. That’s mostly the job of emerging leaders—Shapiro, Ossof, Pritzker, Bernie (Wait, that’s four Jewish guys!), Jeffries, AOC, Warnock, Newsom, and others. But as importantly, it’s the job of the ordinary folks who will populate the tent. 

It remains to be seen whether they (we?) can put aside the moralizing, judgmentalism, and outrage over the incumbent administration and give up 20% of whatever perfectionism we might use to define a successful policy for our particular goals in order to restore some basic sanity and dignity to the country, as well as stop the bleeding on virtually every policy sector, and make a modicum of progress in those areas.

The alternatives are either 1) a Vance/Rubio variant of what we have now or 2) a Democratic administration with (hopefully) a generally supportive Congress but one which is hamstrung by the kind of punitive politics disguised as ideological purity that is practiced by the Congressional Republicans, particularly in the House. 

The essential point is the compromise is not a moral failing, whether of the sanctimonious sort seen by the “Freedom Caucus” or in the more insidious, well-rationalized variety seen by Civil Rights and Women’s Rights advocates in the 19 and 20C. This compromising will need to occur in the context of prioritization and of policy trade-offs. Judgementalism is the enemy of at least incremental progress. There is so much work to be done on so many fronts, it would be a pity to waste time on details and squabbling.

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The Luxury of Details; the Price of Anger

6/12/2026

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I know plenty of folks who are appalled by what we see happening to our country (and the world) these days. There’s plenty of reason to be scared and angry, but for most people I know (fortunately) the risks and problems arise at the level of principle and at some distance from our day-to-day lives. For those who wish to change the nature and tone of our government now is the time for cool consideration of our options and to do so in three contexts: 1) the 2026 elections, 2) the posture of those elected this year, and 3) the stance of those who wish for further change in 2028.

Ethics are important, but we’re usually not given the choice between simple black and white. Life, as they say, is filled with trade-offs. My general approach is to maintain my ethical and political views in favor of social justice and compassion, domestic and international order, and assessing policies with a due respect for a long-term perspective. At the same time, the current situation is so dire as to demand that we ensure our social and political foundations before we try to (in order) repair the damage or enact policies that try to broadly improve society. 

I have long bemoaned the state of the Democratic Party and I have no illusions about the likelihood that it will be a useful vehicle for necessary social change. Still, we might hope that the ongoing example of the Republicans will impress on both voters and elected officials the need to swallow our grand visions and just get stuff done. The first step is to minimize further inroads by MAGA-ites and get sensible people (even moderates or other boring folks) into positions to minimize further damage. 

The current California Governor’s race is a great example. As we went into the primary a few weeks ago, there were three Democrats and two Republicans with a significant chance of getting through the open primary and into the final election in November. Both the Republicans illustrate the range of MAGA/Republicans but the prospect that they would both have gotten into the run-off, shutting out the Dems, seemed real. As among the leading Dems—Becerra, Porter, and Steyer—there are notable differences in personality, experience, and demeanor, as well as policy priorities. Nonetheless, any one of them is so far superior to Hilton or Bianco, that I really didn’t care which Dem gets elected. Indeed, I wish the primary ballot had an option that read: “Whichever Democrat comes first among those who vote for one of them.” I suspect such a ballot entry would swamp the tally for any of the named individuals. 

Here in San Francisco, we will elect a successor to Nancy Pelosi. I quite liked Chakrabarti as an innovative policy thinker. Scott Weiner and Connie Chan (the eventual finalists for the November election) are both also thoughtful and they are likely to vote the same on a vast majority of actual legislative proposals. Again, it’s too bad time and money will have been spent between those two (and a few others). Flip a coin and let’s move on.

What then of those who win this fall? In Congress, where the Dems are a good shot to win back the House and have a slight chance to win the Senate, it will be a time of great temptation. Performative politics beckons and many will fall into the trap, wasting time, money, and energy better spent on a small number of priorities. There will be innumerable calls for investigations into the malfeasance and incompetence of the current Administration. There will be hundreds of bills introduced to right the current litany of wrongs, trying to constrain or reverse the Executive or Judiciary. Almost all of this will be a waste of time.

Dems need to demonstrate that they are thoughtful and prudent guardians of the interests of the entire nation. Even if bills get passed by the House (or, in some minor miracle both the House and Senate), there is no chance anything of substantive merit would become law with our current orange-haired leader. So, all this performative energy needs to be targeted at a focused set of policies that will engender support at the 2028 election: health care, jobs, economic growth, voting rights, taxes on the top 10%. The parade of those demanding a wide range of changes that have only a bare majority of support—however much they might meet important political or moral goals—need to be held in abeyance. In addition, the Dems need to show that they can govern responsibly and effectively. That means actually passing bills without the dramatics, futility, and waste that has exemplified current GOP legislators (especially in the House).

Finally, in the two years between elections, those folks who want change need to model responsible citizenship and demonstrate that we have a clear understanding of the difference between idealized policy goals and the views of the bulk of the country. This means that valid arguments and goals will need to be sidelined. Taking pot-shots at elected officials who are less than perfect (measured on whatever scale) is self-destructive. If the damage wrought in the past 16 months (that’s right, we’re only 1/3 through the 2d term of HWSNBN) has taught us anything, it is that most of the fine print in policies isn’t so important.  

If we are lucky, a leader with charisma and vision will emerge for 2028. More likely, it will be someone with only a bit of both. No matter. We will be fortunate to arrive in January 2029 with some semblance of a country and a world still intact. As I noted this past winter (A Poisoned Chalice 020626), even then, we shouldn’t expect too much. The road back is far too long to be walked in anger.

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English Lessons

6/5/2026

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The apparently imminent meltdown of the Labour Government in the UK is a fitting marker for the tenth anniversary of Brexit: that “world-historical” mistake of 2016 in which a bare majority of the British electorate convulsed and apparently directed their government to leave the European Union. After years of high political drama, the Conservative Government under Boris Johnson, finally “Got Brexit done.” The Tories then stumbled on in government for another couple of years (due at least as much to an unsavory sharply left-wing domination of the Labour Party) until both the party and the public were exhausted.

Labour, under the deliberately bland Sir Keir Starmer, then positioned itself as a sufficiently centrist “non-Tory” option and swept into office int he General Election of 2024. The rejection of the incumbents after 14 years and 5 prime ministers was no surprise. Their internal divisions over Brexit continued to haunt them and they were stale in terms of both policies and personalities. It was clearly time for a change. Since the British electoral system (like ours) does not provide for proportional representation, small shifts in support can make for big shifts in the number of seats. In 2024, the Tories faced the additional problem of a resurgent right/populist party under Nigel Farage, the bête-noire of the Brexit movement which bled of some of its support in close contests. As a result, Labour won its largest victory ever, securing 424 seats out of 650.

Starmer should have been on top of the world: an apparent mandate for change and a huge parliamentary majority. There were three problems, however. First, actual mandates to do anything in particular amid the broad array of issues and interests which voters face are exceedingly rare (despite the common proclamations of victorious politicians). Second, Starmer while undoubtedly a capable lawyer and administrator, lacks both popular charisma and the internal party ‘oomph’ to marshal his troops. Third, as Boris Johnson said back in 2013, the problem with all the Brexit ‘hoo-hah’ is that it was a distraction from the deep and long-term problems which Britain faces: inadequate adaptation to a post-industrial economy, post-imperial hangover, economic inequality, dysfunctional labor markets, creaking educational system, and wheezing social services; to name a few. Stated otherwise, the country faces nigh-unto-intractable problems which require bold/radical solutions for which there is no national consensus and no charismatic leadership.

Britain thus faces a situation not all that different from most other well-off countries. It’s not that they are “ungovernable” in the sense that “The Economist” and other commentators usually mean. These are not matters which can be fixed by repairing the (real and significant problems of a particular political system (e.g., Britain’s first past the post parliamentary system, the division of powers between France’s Executive and Legislative branches, or the abuses inflicted on the US political system by the two-party duopoly). It’s “ungovernable” in the sense that there are fundamental problems facing society and the electorate as a whole is unwilling (unable?!) to address them.

In contrast, in the dire situation faced by Britain in 1940-41, the country rallied around Churchill’s leadership and demonstrated an extraordinary national willingness to (literally) go to war to address it. Alas Starmer is no Churchill (nor, for that matter is any other national politician on the British stage). Perhaps it is only in the clearest and direst of circumstances that there is a mandate for decisive action. Despite the urgings and table-poundings of the AOC/Bernie wing (or, for that matter, the MAGA-ized Republicans); there is no consensus and therefore no mandate in the US to address our version of this problem set. (It is also useful to recall in this circumstance, that FDR had no mandate for his active support of Churchill/the “Allies” as he slid the US to a pre-war footing until Pearl Harbor.)

The second lesson from the British situation is more directly aimed at the US Democratize Party.  Neither having the “right answers” to the nations policy questions, nor having a working legislative majority are sufficient, even both together would not be enough. 

The Dems, in their wildest dreams, will not command legislative majorities comparable to what Labour now has. With what they’re like to have, the temptation to muddle and temporize remains great. The threat of fringe elements invoking ritual purity to halt incremental progress on any number of policy fronts is also great. Imagine what the current administration could accomplish if they had the Freedom Caucus fully on board. It might be scary, but it’s certainly imaginable. Now try to imagine the Dems getting their collective act together to remedy the policy crimes and abuses of the current administration and to actually address and at least make a dent in some of the other pressing problems facing the country. It’s a utopian fantasy.

As I noted in “A Poisoned Chalice” (020626), the Dems risk looking like failures, even if they sweep the boards in 2028. Even if they had a leader, a program, and an unheard-of degree of party discipline, they would still have to spend so much time cleaning up after the current disaster and the impacts of the kinds new policies initiatives would be too long-term in their effects to do them much short-to-medium electoral good.

So the underlying problem lies with “the people,” not the party (or even the parties). The “ungovernability” issue current bedeviling the English chattering classes is transatlantic; indeed, it is global. It is societal, not governmental or even constitutional. 

Neither elites nor the “masses” have a clear and coherent policy program. MAGA only works if you believe in historical fiction and have an extremely short-sighted view (and no sense of social justice). Socialism has been sufficiently successful through the 20C (even in the US) so as to be stale for the 21C. New formulations are needed—across the political spectrum. The clock is ticking.


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The Construction of Memory

5/29/2026

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Picture
The Jewish Holocaust Memorial in Berlin is a striking place; over 2700 rectangular concrete pillars of different heights, creating a forest like effect that makes it easy to forget you’re in the middle of a city (and a particular city at that). It was opened in 2005, marking the 60th anniversary of the end of the War. Even more than the sensibility created by the memorial itself, I was struck by its location: about 100 yards from the Brandenburg Gate, the symbolic center of Berlin and another 100-200 yards from the German Bundestag/Parliament building. 

This siting represents Germany’s decision to confront the worst episode in modern human history, perpetrated at its hand; rather than sweeping it under the rug or relegating such a memorial to the fringes of society both geographically and metaphorically. It’s true that there’s no particular connection between this site and the events of the Holocaust, but it’s message is moral, not historical. Commemorations at Dachau or other camps in Germany exist and are appropriate, but they’re often far from population centers and popular attention.

Whatever might be said about the morals of those Germans who created or participated in the Holocaust, we can respect the moral stance of those who pushed this memorial to the forefront of the German national awareness. It’s easy to blame the Germans, including more recent generations; and Americans are all too ready to point out the moral failings of others. By way of comparison, can you imagine the responses to a proposal to put a memorial to the European/American treatment of Native Americans over the past 500 years on the National Mall in Washington. It would never happen in this Administration, of course, but even under a more “enlightened” government, there would be quite a brouhaha. Of course there would be deniers and rejecters, but as troubling is the likely response of the majority who might accept theoretical societal responsibility, but would be “uncomfortable” with such a statement. 

It would be easy to say:” Oh, that was those folks [i.e. the earlier generation who actually conducted the extermination]; that’s not us, we’re new and improved [Germans, Americans, etc.]” Indeed, there is something to be said about the limits to national characterization and holding a subsequent generation responsible for the “sins of the fathers.” But one of the most important and least discussed and least comfortable aspects of general reflections on the Holocaust is that the Germans (and their allies) who perpetrated these horrific deeds were NOT all that different from the rest of us. It’s too easy to carve them out as distinctively morally defective or evil, and avoid wrestling with the part of each of our human nature that is awful.

Part of the job of History is to insist that all aspects of human experience are kept available for view and to ensure that memory does not fall into mythology, nostalgia, or simplistic and white-washed stories of the past. We need to do this without imposing our moral judgement on the people and events of the past, and without falling into the parallel traps of blame/self-justification. The Berlin Jewish Holocaust Memorial is an important and effective step in this regard.

It is doubly significant that just a block away from this somber site is another location whose memorialization is of quite a different nature. It’s not featured on the tourist maps. There’s no staffed and well-presented information center. In fact there are no structures at all (although in well-bombed Berlin, this is hardly a distinction). There’s merely a medium-sized explanatory sign (in German and English). It’s the site of the Fuhrerbunker, the underground control center from which Hitler directed the last days of the War and in which he, Goebbels, and others ended their lives. It’s now a parking lot, surrounded by undistinguished apartment and office buildings.

In the immediate aftermath of the War, this part of Berlin was occupied by the Red Army and the remnants of the Fuhrerbunker were destroyed and plowed under. It’s a different way of dealing with horrific memory. All of the Allies, not just the Soviet Union which occupied this particular plot of land, were concerned to avoid any memorialization of Nazidom and this site is especially susceptible of being seen as a shrine to their fallen leader.

The story of how Germans have faced up to their Nazi past is a complex one, intertwined with guilt, denial, ideology, and the positioning of ex-Nazis in the heightening Cold War tensions of the 1950s and ‘60s. Officially banned on both sides , Nazi anti-Communism respectively exacerbated or ameliorated the status of ex-Nazis in the East and West. Large-scale and official recognition and responsibility for their actions did not begin until the 1970s and, one might say, could not be addressed on its own terms until Germany was reunited so that any statements could encompass all of Germany and without concern that positioning vis-à-vis that aspect of the past could no longer be used in Cold War propaganda jousting. As a result, the more fulsome recognition didn’t materialize until the 1990s and 2000s as the generation that come to political and cultural power could face these questions more squarely than their parents.

So, even as acknowledgement of the Nazi crimes became normalized, their continued exclusion from current political life ensured that their sites were carefully marginalized; of which the site in the heart of Berlin is clear evidence.

The juxtaposition of the two—in such close proximity—provides a stark illustration of the range of memory and the complexity of arranging memory and its management with the historians’ task of recollection end education. Regardless of what happened in the past, the construction of memory is always the responsibility of the present.

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The German Question

5/22/2026

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The German Question

This posting comes live from Munich where I’m getting myself updated on Germany, its history, and its current mood. The last time I was here was in 1971, where, along with several dozen other American teenagers, I was getting my first taste of Europe (including fresh Lowenbrau beer (but that’s another story)). In the next posting, I will talk about the construction of memory regarding relatively recent German historical developments, here I want to take a broader view.

Germany has been the heart of Europe for centuries; certainly since medieval times. While we in the US tend to get a heavier flavoring of British and French history, we can’t begin to understand Europe without addressing the “German question.” 

Part of the problem in adjusting our perspective is that until 1871 there was no “Germany” in the national, political sense. The formation of a single integrated state, building on increasing industrial and economic power in the mid-19C shifted the gravitational patterns across Europe. For several reasons, that project went off the rails, as Germany fostered the descent into WWI and was the primary instigator of WWII. The solution to that problem was the peace settlement imposed by the Allies splitting the country into two pieces, each tied into their respective Cold War blocs and effectively neutralizing Germany as a geopolitical force. The collapse of the Soviet Empire in 1989, marked by the (effective, then physical) dismantling of the Berlin Wall led to reunification and the eventual shift of the national capital back to Berlin. 

The presence of important centers of German culture in Austria, Switzerland, and other border areas highlights the difficulty of automatically tying politically-framed history to a particular piece of territory. For example, if the Habsburg’s Austrian Empire had defeated the Prussians in 1867, the contours of German political entities would have followed a far different path than what we are familiar with. Instead, Prussia won, knocked Austria out of the picture and became the heart of the German unification project which had been going on for much of the 19C until then. Forced territorial adjustment following WWI (vis-à-vis France, Belgium, and Poland in particular) left Germany with a different shape for twenty years until Hitler (through diplomacy chutzpah, and invasion) launched his (temporarily successful) effort to build a “Greater Germany.” The Cold War split put yet another spin on the definition of “What is Germany?

These events make it pretty plain to see the centrality of the German question for European geopolitics over the last 160 years. But even before then, one might say the European political history wrestled with the absence of Germany; it was a political vacuum and battlefield for the great powers, with famous wars involving dynastic politics, religious politics (particularly following the Reformation), not least of which was the “Thirty Years War (1618-1648), and various tussles over who would dominate the Continent. At various points the German lands “hosted” Russian, Swedish, Danish, Dutch, British, French, Italian, Austrian, Hungarian, Polish, and Lithuanian incursions. 

Of course it’s not as if there was no one there, either in terms of people or of political entities. For hundreds of years (962 -1806), there was a bizarre entity called the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation. It started with Charlemagne, but it wasn’t a state, controlled from the center; but rather a kind of loose federation of over 300 principalities, kingdoms, duchies, free cities, and bishoprics; with  an important linkage to Papal politics in Rome. They all spoke German, although in a bewildering range of dialects. Following the Reformation of the 16C, there was a hodge-podge of Protestant (multiple flavors) and Catholic states. While the Protestants were stronger in the north (Hamburg, Saxony, and Prussia), the Catholics were stronger in the south (Bavaria, Austria). But the key to the eventual quieting of the religious wars as the principle of “Cuius regio, eius religio,” which meant that the local ruler would determine the local religion; accompanied by widely varying degrees of toleration of other creeds.

None of the politico-military history occurred in a vacuum. While the German-speaking lands had no single center a la London or Paris, culture and industry flourished. Important universities popped up in multiple small states, and intellectuals were connected in both Latin and German. Philosophers such as Leibniz, Kant, Hegel or Marx, authors such as Novalis or Geothe, and a splendor of musical genii (Bach, Mozart, et al.) are but a few of the luminaries of the scene. 

All of which is to say, there was a lot of “there” there.

The disruptions, devastation, and drama of the German 20C, provide a sharp illustration of our common tendency in history to look backward into the distant past through the lens of the intermediate past. We tend to color the earlier centuries with our filters of the Cold War and Nazidom, either dismissing them as insignificant or looking at them only in terms of how the earlier events might have led up to the later conflict and cataclysm. 

In German history, this is called the problem of the “Sonderweg,” trying to understand the “special path” that Germany took. Historians have tried to explain how Germany, which was so similar to its neighbors for centuries could have turned into the mid-20C monstrosity. I don’t think there’s much to this line of thought. We can always connect lines of trends and historical developments, but those connections are at least as much our projection as any lead-bottomed “truth.” 

It’s better to take German history, with its complexities and distinctions, on its own terms—whether earlier, or mid-20C, or today. There is certainly no sense to holding a German born in 2000 responsible for what their great-grandparents might have done (or not done) sixty years earlier. Germany today insists on being treated as…Germany today. They are mindful (as I will discuss next week) of their past, but they don’t wallow in it (with the exception of a fringe populist nostalgia). The benefit of travel today is to respect its history, but not be captured by it.

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Encylopedie

5/8/2026

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I was sufficiently nerdish in my youth to enjoy reading the World Book Encyclopedia that my parents got us back in the 1960s. I now have to take care not to get lost too deeply in the hyperlinked maelstrom of information in the current version of Wikipedia (67+ million articles in 345 languages) or its AI-souped-up progeny serving up pre-digested info (most of which is actually true). As I started my history studies 20 years ago, I stumbled into the principal precedent for all modern compendia of information: the great French Encylopédie of the 18C. 

This era of scientific “revolution,” “Enlightenment,” and global exploration brought a deluge of new discoveries, inventions, and analyses. We may talk about the accumulation of petabytes of data, but we have the language and a couple of centuries of experience in digesting ever-increasing accumulation of information (with similar—but trailing—growth of knowledge and wisdom) to acclimate ourselves to the constantly growing mass. For the (relatively few) intelligentsia of this period, the 18C was a bewildering and breath-taking time. 

One of the essential challenges was therefore to figure out how to compile and organize all this stuff. While there was a smattering of attempts at comprehensive collections of knowledge stretching back to Pliny in the 1C, therefore, the field didn’t really blossom until the 18C. (Unsurprisingly, there is parallel development of dictionaries/lexicons.) Still, less than a dozen came out before mid-century.

The French project started out as an adaptation of the English “Chambers’ Cyclopaedia” (1735), but it stumbled until it was rebooted by Denis Diderot and Jean D’Alembert in 1748. They envisioned a new concept and a vastly expanded scope. Its goal was to compile, in an organized form, all "the parts of human knowledge", as based upon sensory input and reason. Diderot (with typical modesty) said that its purpose was “to change the general way of thinking.” They did so by covering both concepts and practical issues, in how they organized their articles, and the critical attitude they adopted towards superstition and other traditional epistemologies (and the Catholic Church in particular).

They corralled scores of contributors and, in the end produced over 72,000 articles comprising over 20 million words in 17 volumes of text and 11 volumes of pictures. They called it the “Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, 
par une Société de Gens de letters” (“The Encyclopedia, or comprehensive dictionary of sciences, arts and methods, by a group of men of letters”). The articles ranged from Magic to Shakespeare to agricultural tools, with drawings of individuals, machinery, and landscapes. The contributors included Voltaire, Rousseau, and my favorite, the Chevalier de Jaucourt, an aristocratic scholar who employed a team of research assistants and produced almost a quarter of the total number of articles in the entire set.

One of my first projects in grad school was to write a paper on the Encyclopédie. I researched all the articles that talked about magic, sorcery, prophecy and related topics; trying to get a handle on how this epitome of Enlightenment rationalism coped with the supernatural and superstition. It was a fun project, although perhaps a bit too ambitious for a novice scholar.

From start to finish, it took about 27 years to publish the entire set, delayed by financial challenges, censorship, printing issues, and the generally overwhelming scope of the project. Editing was often haphazard, with different authors overlapping and taking different points of view. Afterwards, Diderot said it was “a pit in which the miserable rag pickers [his contributors] threw pell-mell all kinds of things—badly digested, good, bad, detestable, true, false, uncertain, and always both incoherent and disparate.”

Eventually, thousands of copies in several editions were published through the end of the 18C, so it received widespread readership (at least among intellectuals and wannabes). It spawned many imitators, most notably the Encyclopedia Britanica which started publication just as the Encyclopédie was completing its work. Britanica carried the torch into the 21C, with competitors (such as the World Book I read as a boy) flourishing in the mid-20C. There’s a copy online of course (en Francais) and a project at the University of Michigan has been using volunteers to produce an online English translation (I did about twenty articles when I was doing my research)

The basic purpose of encyclopedias remains the same: to encompass and distribute useful knowledge—both practical and cultural. At the time of the Encyclopédie, this was a new kind of thing, reflecting the (then) rapidly expanding scope of information, discovery, and critical reflection on the world and society. Diderot et al. made a good stab at it in the mid-18C with about 20M words. Even if that would be a veritable drop in the bucket for today’s multi-lingual Wikipedia (about 10B words!), we live in a world with far more information at hand; so, in a sense, encyclopedias are increasingly falling behind.

At the dawn of the AI era, we may be moving to a new mode of access to information, one which allows us to automate the “look-up” and integrating functions that were necessary in both paper and electronic encyclopedias to date. This will make more useful information available, but will require more thoughtful questions to access it effectively.

Nonetheless, for those who use encyclopedias (as I did as a boy) to swim in the pond of knowledge (not quite sure where I was headed), AI won’t help so much. A certain amount of randomness is helpful; especially to help us realize how little we actually know. While the Encyclopédie included a fair number of cross-references between articles, the deployment of hypertext links in Wikipedia makes it far easier to splash about and end up (hours later?) in distant and obscure corners of the infoverse. AI can’t (yet) do this sort of thing; so, there’s still room for human curiosity.

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Space Time Continuum

5/1/2026

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Most of us learned something about the space/time continuum in high school physics class; part of the Einsteinian revolution of the early 20C.  It’s a pretty bold idea: that what we perceive as space/area/distance and what we perceive as time/duration/speed are not separate but is an integrated concept. Without specifying all four dimensions (time, length, depth, width), you don’t have a clear picture of where/when anything is in the universe.

However, since physics is pretty much outside my ken, my topic today is more mundane and terrestrial: how do we adapt this profound model to the world of social and economic relations and how has this all changed over time. I’ll start with an example from my own experience. Twenty-some years ago, I took a hiking trip to Switzerland with a couple of buddies. As we were tromping from town-to-town, I was struck by the fact that the Swiss trail signs didn’t indicate the distance from Leukerbad to Lens (~ 16km), but rather the time it would take to walk there (6-7 hours). I figured that since people walk at different paces, one couldn’t come up with a standard estimate of the necessary time. I was wrong, of course; the Swiss had it nailed. More importantly for my point here, they highlighted the interchangeability of space and time at a very practical level.

I’ve been thinking about this as I’ve been giving a set of lectures on the history of globalization. This sprawling topic encompasses not only the movement of people, things, and ideas in gradually broader and more interconnected networks, but also the extent to which people are aware of the size of their “world.” In other words, we can look at globalization as an example of a space-time continuum and one that has evolved over the millennia as a function of technologies ranging from goat paths to asphalt to turbine engines to fiber optic undersea cables.

In pre-modern times, outside of astronomical calculations, most folks weren’t too concerned with precise measurement of either time or distance. The connection, however, was built implicitly into people’s consciousness. Modern Swiss trail markers are the descendants of the markers on Roman roads which measured “distance” in terms of days.

From a historical perspective, we can measure the progress of technologies in terms of increased speed of transportation and communications. On the rough roads of medieval Europe (or elsewhere in the pre-modern world) walking 25-35 km/day was about normal, riding a horse would boost that to 50 km or so. For most folks in most circumstances, this standard was only slightly improved until the 19C. This meant riding from Vienna to Paris (~1200 km) took about 25 days; walking would take about six weeks.

The development of a messenger service (for the Habsburg Empire) led to the creation of a relay-messenger service (a precursor of the Pony Express in the 19C US) which could carry a message in 15 days by 1600 (the guy who ran this project was called  “Taxis,” which is where we get the modern (pre-Uber) term for carriage for hire). In the 17 and 18C, improvement to roads cut the time for a fast mail coach to 7 days. 

The 19C saw the introduction of powered trains and telegraphs. The Orient Express would run from Vienna to Paris in 14 hours. By 1900, the telegraph would communicate words almost instantly. Indeed, the arrival of the telegraph finally led to a divergence between what we call communications and transportation.

Before I go further in this story, I should emphasize that European standards were the peak of human technology at the time, and the increased speeds only applied in very limited circumstances. It could still take weeks to traverse comparable distances between places that were rural, since there was no train from southwest France to northern Bavaria. Moreover, the cost of these “modern” options was out of the reach of almost all people. The story in Africa, Asia, and South America was still more sparse. It took decades to build out roads and rails and wires; a process which is still going on in many places around the world a full two centuries after the first railway began operations.

By the 20C, aviation brought further acceleration. The flight from Paris to Vienna runs under two hours. Telephony similarly accelerated communications and the shift to underseas telephone calls (now on fiber) and satellite calls helped drive down costs and vastly expand the availability of such services. A phone call from Los Angeles to London in 1927 cost $750 for ten minutes (2024 dollars), using the brand new radio system. International Direct Distance Dialing arrived in 1970, the same call now cost only $100 (2024 dollars). Competition and new technologies brought that crashing down to $5 for ten minutes by the turn of the millennium; a curve which has accelerated to the current situation where we can call pretty much anywhere in the world instantly for free. Wow!

There are two salient points to be drawn from this technological progress. The first is that the radical reductions in cost have been a major spur to globalization. More stuff (goods and people and ideas) move from one part of the world to another when it becomes cheaper to do so. At the high end, that means bopping off to Paris for a long weekend (as I often do!). For most folks, it means that economy/steerage class becomes cheap enough to seek new opportunities in the new world, as has happened a lot over the last 200 years.

Second, we can see the space-time continuum in practice. As the massive pandemic-accelerated shift in work habits and world conceptualization driven by video conferencing has shown, distance is trivialized and Zoom et al. have become wormholes in space. I have a friend in Seattle whose daughter lives in Ireland. They text and Facetime multiple times a week. Not much different than if she lived 45 miles away instead of 4500. 

One hundred and thirty years ago, my great-grandparents embarked on journeys from the “Old World” to the “New,” expecting never to see their families again. Thirteen years ago, I was expected to live near enough to my workplace that I could show up every day. Both those worlds are gone, reshaped into a new configuration.


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    Condemned to Repeat It --
    Musings on history, society, and the world.

    I don't actually agree with Santayana's famous quote, but this is my contribution to my version of it: "Anyone who hears Santayana's quote is condemned to repeat it."

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