Steve Harris
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Above Average Intelligence

7/10/2026

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The onslaught of AI development continues at a breathtaking pace. There’s no apparent limit in sight as to the capabilities of massive amounts of computing power are applied to an increasing range of heretofore human activities. There are significant (not to say dire) implications for education, labor markets and social structures, the power grid, financial markets, and other fields, as I have noted in previous entries in this occasional series. 

In a piece I called “Grand Turing Test” (122322), I hypothesized the emerging “arms-race” between generative AI capabilities and our ability to determine whether such output was human or machine-generated. It is a particular problem for educators in the grading process and one I’m glad I’ve escaped at this point. The point of a Turing Test is to see if a human can distinguish a machine response to a particular prompt from a human response in order to determine whether the machine is “intelligent.” It was a breakthrough in conceptualizing computing power back in the now seemingly prehistoric days of 1950, and it’s still useful today. 

AI capabilities seem to match and exceed human capabilities in an increasing number of applications; so the implications of the Turing Test are less about whether the machine is “intelligent” and more about what are the distinctive aspects of human intelligence. This seems, as I say, to be a shrinking field. It is shrinking for two reasons. First, the application of brute processing power, especially when that power is “intelligently” directed, outclasses what humans can do on their own (even with the augmentation of pencil-and-paper, calculator, Excel spreadsheet, Google search, etc.) in anywhere near the same time. 

Twenty-five years ago, if I had wanted to come up with a good estimate of the planetary GDP in the years 1,000bc, 0, 1,000ad, 1500, 1800, 1900, and 2000 (which I did for a recent lecture series), I could have spent a day or so in the library and come up with some plausible estimates. Ten years ago, I could have done a Google search and found sources and produced something better in a couple of hours. Now, I pop a prompt into Gemini/Claude/Chat etc. and get a digested, footnoted analysis with graphs in a matter of a few seconds. The AI may not be smarter than me, but it’s a hell of a lot faster. Ditto for writing papers/memos, or generating music, videos, pictures, etc. So far, so good (leaving aside serious concerns about plagiarism, hallucinations, skewing, etc.).

The second reason, is that this processing power challenges us to reconsider what is left in our definition of human “intelligence” beyond the “normal” degree of brainpower? Is there something distinctive about creativity (whether artistic or drafting a clever merger agreement) that is irreproducible by machine or is it all just a matter of NVIDIA chips crunching away? Naturally, we humans cling to a conception of intelligence that is unique. For a long time, we’ve disparaged the capabilities of whales, chimps, dolphins, etc. as part of our effort to preserve our self-centered view of the universe. Copernicus, Galileo, Darwin and others have shown us how distorted our traditional conceptions have been. Now, Claude and friends have further narrowed the space of the uniquely human. As with these earlier examples, despite the epistemological resistance and blind demands to stop this threatening technology in its tracks, I suspect we will find that there is very little left to our once god-like self-image. 

These new capabilities are starting to upset our well-established modern conception of what it is that people do and why they should be compensated for their activities (i.e. “work”). The last quarter-millennium (or semiquincentennial!) of industrialization dramatically reduced that percentage of human compensation that was earned by physical labor as compared with intellectual effort (artistic effort has always been a tiny fraction). I asked Google’s Gemini for an estimate of this ratio; it came back with physical labor constituting 85-90% in 1750, 75-80% in 1850, 45-50% in 1950, and 23-30% today (with commensurate growth on the “intellectual labor” side). This is one way to look at the “industrial revolution” and we know the tremendous societal disruption that has accompanied this shift.  Our entire modern global economic system and the great strides that have been made in standards of living over this period have been built on this transition. Capitalism provided one mode of distributing these gains across the population; but even beyond its other challenges (e.g., environmental concerns, inequality) what’s coming portends a profound crisis.

Going forward, and over a likely much shorter period, we will see a drop in the intellectual labor numbers. Whether this produces an upsurge in unemployment (beyond the serious short-term transitional impacts) or a redeployment to new modes of work remains to be seen. In either case, it bodes poorly for those whose intellectual capabilities (whether innate or educated) are at or below average. Everyone—including the majority of people who think they are “above average” in intelligence [sic]—will have to freshly consider what they do and why they do it. Traditional models of job types and career paths aren’t going to work. What mix of intellectual, physical, and creative work (just to use a simple break-out) will provide the best mix of personal fulfillment and economic support? The answers of 2010 are clearly going to be inadequate for 2030 and anyone who tells you that they have much of a handle on how things will look in 2040 is just lying to you.

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Semiquincentennial

7/3/2026

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I mean, really…? Centennial is a word most folks can figure out and bicentennial is pretty close, but Semiquincentennial combines obscurity, unpronouncability, and a fetish for mathematical semantics which, despite my proclivity for obscure and multisyllabic words, makes it wholly inappropriate for a celebration of a landmark of popular democracy.  

Not that this is the most inapt aspect of the upcoming commemoration. We have a set of elected leaders characterized by cravenness, corruption, and an abandonment of political sense. Not that the Founding Fathers were demigods, but the current crop is pretty pathetic. So, the nomenclature is really a secondary issue.

I saw a recent poll from the UK in which voters were asked who was to blame for their current dysfunctional political culture. Across the spectrum, just over half blamed elected officials, twenty percent blamed “the system,” and just over ten percent blamed the voters. I suspect we would have similar result here. It’s no surprise that the electorate is unwilling to look in the mirror. As the French writer of the 19C, Joseph Lemaistre said: “every country gets the government it deserves.” 

So, we mark this anniversary in a pretty sorry state. Things have a sour taste. It’s a far cry from the Bicentennial in which, despite the shadows of the then-recent loss of the Vietnam War and the Watergate scandal, there was a fair degree more optimism and pride in our country. I will have more to say about the arc of America in a broad historical context later in the year as I prepare a talk on “the Rise and Fall of America,” and regular readers of this space are familiar with my take on our current predicament, so today I just want to focus on the Declaration.

The debate on independency in the Continental Congress was coming to a head in May and June of 1776. Hotheads like John Adams faced principled and serious opposition, but the momentum of recent conflicts with the British (legal and military) pushed the process forward and Jefferson took up his pen in mid-June. The draft was revised and tweaked in Committee and the full Congress starting late in the month. The final decision was made on July 2 and the document was approved on July 4.

It's actually quite an audacious piece of work. Manifestos are necessarily rhetorical documents, they are not to be confused with philosophical treatises or pieces of legislation (although they borrow from both). We are told that it is “self-evident…that all men are created equal,” etc.; a proposition that would not have been understood, much less agreed to by more than a minute fraction of the 700 million people then in the world, much less the elites of Great Britain. Rather, I suspect that most elites and educated people in most countries in the world at the time would have thought this was nonsense. As a result, we have to read this language and the rest of the preamble as a motivational and aspirational text.

Indeed, I agree with Jack Balkin (and Abraham Lincoln) that the Declaration, or at least the Preamble, is the real Constitution of the United States, that is the document that constitutes our body politic, and the official “Constitution” is merely the charter of government intended to implement the aspirations of the Declaration.

So, since it’s worth recalling the specifics (and it’s probably been a while since you read it), here is the first half of the Preamble:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.—That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed….

It's a pretty challenging agenda. As a nation, of course, our progress has been uneven over the past 250 years and we have not yet achieved these aims. Their difficulty, however, does not undermine their validity and despite its current parlous state, democracy remains the only plausible route (i.e., no one has come up with a better model yet).

The second part of the Founders’ audacity was to assert that a republic—and a breakaway republic at that—should be recognized by the other countries of the world as a peer. In the late 18C, there were only a few countries that counted. These were mostly the European “Great Powers”: Britain, France, Spain, Prussia, and Austria, a few also-rans: the Russians and the Turks, and the only European country of any significance that wasn’t a monarchy: the Dutch Republic. 

Assertions are one thing, even if written in grand prose; people in power rarely give it up without a fight. In essence, the War of Independence was fought to force Britain to recognize us. We eventually had the help of the French and the others followed in due course. So, the revolution was not just a reconceptualization of the nature of political society, founding it not on the divine right of kings or the inertia of dynasties, but on the individual (well, at least white male individuals); it was also about the nature of international relations.

The final point for this celebratory week is to reiterate an argument I have made previously about the nature of the US Constitution (whose own Semiquincentennial lies eleven years ahead). The Declaration is literally the foundation of the Constitution and it makes clear (also in the preamble) that the Constitution is merely a tool of the people, on which there are no legal limits. Here’s what Jefferson wrote: 

That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.


A Semiquincentennial seems like a good time to remember this and to carry the spirit of the Founders into the 21C.

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    Condemned to Repeat It --
    Musings on history, society, and the world.

    I don't actually agree with Santayana's famous quote, but this is my contribution to my version of it: "Anyone who hears Santayana's quote is condemned to repeat it."

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