Steve Harris
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  • Condemned to Repeat It

Rutabaga

4/10/2026

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My wife and I had a long running debate about the intelligence of her cat Samantha. She (my wife) noted that Samantha would, among other things, respond to someone calling her name. I challenged that by pointing out that I could say “rutabaga” in the same tone of voice and get the same feline response. Needless to say, this debate went on until Samantha went to the great feeding bowl in the sky. 

I think the same approach could be applied to the term “capitalism,” which is to say that the word itself has no meaning and much depends on the speaker’s tone and intent. The result is that much of what passes for debate about merits or deficiencies is really just people talking past each other, leading to a waste of time and no clearer understanding of the issues involved, much less to specific solutions for the considerable problems and abuses of the current way of doing things. Of course, there is no single “right” definition, conceptual words morph across cultures, histories, and speakers’ intentions. All we can ask is that people make clear what they mean by “capitalism,” (or, for that matter, by “history,” “democracy,” or American “greatness”) and their purpose in using the term.

As I have previously noted in this occasional series, Historians have described the emergence of a socio-economic system, primarily in Western Europe and primarily over the past five hundred years. “Capitalism” in this reading has evolved both in terms of its institutions, practices, and significance over this time; indeed, its protean nature is one of its notable attributes (e.g., it’s a long way from the Bank of England in the late 17C to bitcoin in the 21C). We can trace these changes not only through those institutions (e.g., the number of limited liability corporations), but also through the critique of these phenomena by contemporary commentators (including champions of religion, ethics, nature, and humanism).

Of these analysts, Marx was the most important for both his insights and his profound long-term influence on both thinkers and practitioners of political economy. Marx got a number of things wrong (and those who claimed to implement his ideas in Russia and other places over the past 110 years got even more wrong), but his juxtaposition of “capitalism” and “socialism” remains the touchstone of debate, even though, as the subsequent practice of both business and government has evolved, the distinctions have become increasingly blurry (see, e.g., “state capitalism” in China, “public-private partnerships,” and the quasi-investment banking deals coming out the White House lately). 

While both capitalism and socialism have evolved considerably since the 19C, most political debate is conducted under a somewhat simplistic A vs. B rubric which does little to comprehend the national or historical variants or the complex texture of each. Indeed, what has emerged, especially since the 20C triumph of capitalism over communism and fascism, is the use of “capitalism” as a somewhat generic term for the dominant socio-economic system of modernity. It’s a label that doesn’t tell us much in general, much less with particular regard to “capital” or “capitalists.” 

For example, once we stop thinking of “our” mode of “capitalism” as the (if you’ll pardon the expression) gold standard, we can see that there are many ways to mix the roles of the state and the private sector. Using various indices, we can line up countries according to tax rates and progressivity, public expenditure as a percentage of GDP, extent of the social safety net, competition/antitrust policy, or the pro rata number of bureaucrats. We would find a continuum for each standard rather than sharply distinguished groupings. Moreover, we would find pretty much of a mish-mash, with particular national systems high on one measure and low on another. In other words, there’s no simple model of capitalism and likely few places that are at the extremes across a group of standards.

From another perspective, we have to acknowledge that whatever “capitalism” is, it has evolved over the past several centuries in many ways. So, critiques by Marx or others, however accurate they might have been at the time, don’t necessarily tell us very much about the phenomena that we face in the 21C. A recent study of the “Crisis of Democratic Capitalism” (2023) illustrates this point. In general, Martin Wolf’s analysis is quite perceptive, especially his tight linkage between the types of political and economic systems which dominate our world.  However, the “crisis” with which he is concerned is not with “capitalism” per se, but rather with the hypercapitalism (i.e., push towards plutocracy/monopoly/oligarchy) characteristic of many “advanced” countries today.  

The situation with “capital” and “capitalists” is much the same. We now have “natural capital,” human capital,” and “information capital” among others. Such terms however, don’t make a copse of trees or a group of laborers into capitalists. Similarly, no everyone who lives and actively participates in our modern socio-economic-political system is thereby a “capitalist,” even if they have a 401k.

The phenomenological morass is one reason I prefer to think of capitalism in terms of epistemology or a set of attitudes about money, personal value, and the nature of society which can be considered at both the societal and individual levels.

The upshot of this conceptual and semantic confusion is that public debate about capitalism (as well as a fair amount of scholarly discussion) is confusing and fruitless. I often think it would be better for both public and scholarly debates to stop using terms that have been hollowed out by abuse and overuse (capitalism, sovereignty, and progress all come to mind in this context). Taking a few moments to flesh out what we mean would avoid these semantic traps and perhaps provide some clarity of both diagnosis and prescription. In my History work, for example, I try to avoid bald references to the “industrial revolution,” referring instead to the “period of rapid industrialization.”

“A rose,” as the Bard said “by any other name would smell as sweet.” The way our world works, too, would be however good or bad it is, regardless of the labelling. Samantha responded both to her name and to “rutabaga;” although more quickly in either case if you had a piece of turkey in your hand.

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A Revolution?

4/3/2026

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Last week, as I was sending out my uncheerful assessment of the state of international law, a good friend passed along a recent posting from the invaluable Heather Cox Richardson about the fundamental reshuffling of the global order currently underway as part of the present administration’s general program/chaos. My friend asked if this constituted a revolution. My bottom line: it’s too early to tell.

The Richardson piece draws on recent statements by the Foreign Minister of Singapore and other developments—Iran, Viktor Orban in Hungary, the erosion/demolition of US constitutional controls—to sketch an ominous picture of both the domestic and international scenes. I’ve commented on many aspects of this situation; the vast majority of which are somewhere between troubling and horrific. So, from certain perspectives, things look bleak. Does that make for a revolution? Let’s look at the domestic side this week.

If we take the loose, popular definition of revolution as a big, quick, dramatic change, then yes. But many Historians feel obliged to take a longer-term perspective. Modern political revolutions might well be dated from the English Civil War (1840s-50s) and the Glorious Revolution (1689). Since then, whether something counts as a revolution depends in part on when you’re asking the question. 

Even the “American Revolution” (which arguably, merely replaced the ruling structure of a small peripheral country with one set of rich white guys with another set of rich white guys) has been the subject of debate as to when the “revolution” occurred. Benjamin Rush argued that the Revolution continued after the War had been won, but Thomas Jefferson, said the Revolution had already been completed by the issuing of the Declaration of Independence.

The Great French Revolution went through four different regimes before Napoleon and then reverted to the Bourbon Monarchy in 1815. Important French Historians argue that the Revolution was not completed until the 1880s. The Russian Revolution, too, went through multiple stages and directions. If you had asked whether there was a revolution happening at various stages, you might well have gotten a different answer. So, a snapshot taken in April, 2026 might look pretty inaccurate by September or by 2029.

All this potted history tells us is that you can’t tell what’s going on while it’s happening, much less have any sense of what the outcome will be. Indeed, it’s hard to find any historical evidence for a revolution ending up anywhere near what most revolutionaries thought they were starting when they were starting it. In general, the pressure of historical inertia and the complex dynamics of current events quickly and sharply skew the “best laid plans.” 

Revolutions arise though a confluence of events, trends, and personalities. Once they get past the stage of throwing out the old regime, revolutionary coalitions usually fracture, cracked apart by circumstances require that compromises and leave any pre-existing ideological program severely frayed if not in shambles. Lenin flip-flopped on basic principles of socialism once he was steering the ship. Factionalism and egomania (e.g., self-proclaimed ‘guardians’ of the revolutionary spirit) usually make a hash of any coherent program. 

Now that we have established a firm foundation of uncertainty, we can turn to the question of our leading “revolutionary.” The orange-haired one is a charismatic leader of the first order, but he is no ideologue. He has surrounded himself and channeled the views of a coterie of folks whose combination of smarts, sycophancy, and smarm have given him a set of policies more notable for their drama and disruption of norms than their ability to move the nation towards their self-proclaimed vision. There are definitely revolutionaries among them: Bannon, Miller, Vought; but they are all derivative of him and lack their own power base. Most of the team is just along for the ride. This is actually fortunate; he would be more dangerous if he were actually interested in constructing a new version of the US rather than self-enrichment and self-aggrandizement. 

I’m not a psychologist (even if I am married to one), but you may consider the following definition from Wikipedia:
  • Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder is a neurodevelopmental disorder characterized by symptoms of inattention, hyperactivity, impulsivity, and emotional dysregulation that are excessive and pervasive…. ADHD symptoms arise from executive dysfunction. 

I have argued previously (Samson, 030725), that his endemic short-termism won’t move the country much past the phases of turmoil. Combined with his age and apparent cognitive decline (“Sleepy Don”) this will leave the country’s direction wide-open in a few years. Still, we can’t deny his short-term impact. Domestically, previously settled constitutional and political norms are being tossed aside at several levels.   
  • Notions of comity and incrementalism that have characterized our political life for two hundred years are being ignored. 
  • Institutional safeguards embodying the concept of the separation of powers are becoming meaningless principally due to the lack of backbone shown by Republican members of Congress. 
  • The liberal/progressive project of constitutional change via judicial decisions that built much of the jurisprudence over the past 75 years has proven reversible.
  • There are also a host of policy changes being made radically altering the scope and direction of federal government activities across the board from rights to support programs to budget priorities.

Globally, the situation is much the same. 

As in most revolutionary situations, there are a lot of problems with the incumbent regime. I have little hope that the Democrats as currently constituted are capable of addressing the real problems the country and the world face. A couple of months ago (A Poisoned Chalice, 020626) I suggested that the best that could be hoped for from the next center-left administration was to staunch the bleeding and stabilize the patient.

In sum, while we might be able to sketch several (more or less dire) scenarios for the future, we can have little confidence about the future, regardless of the outcome of the next election, not to mention any number of geopolitical, climatic, or economic contingencies. Could we be in the middle of a “revolution”? Sure, we’re at least ten years too early to tell (and likely at least 25 years). 

History offers few examples of rapid cultural change. Societies evolve, change takes time to digest, what happens in capitals may not show up in the ordinary life of the hinterlands for a while. Most revolutions are futile. Resist evil, but remember to breathe.


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    Condemned to Repeat It --
    Musings on history, society, and the world.

    I don't actually agree with Santayana's famous quote, but this is my contribution to my version of it: "Anyone who hears Santayana's quote is condemned to repeat it."

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